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Jay Michaelson
If only the detail-happy, policy-wonk Democrats could heed this advice. The only good detail is one tied to a clear, negative message about the other side. No American between Arlington and Oakland cares about percentages, deductibles, interest rates, or "plans." They care about these items only insofar as they give evidence of the character of the candidates. Miller's laundry list is a brilliant use of detail in the service of his message.
Again, note the contrast between real, deep, soulful men - and "campaign talk." Our guy is a real man. The other guy isn't really. The same sorts of attacks are used against lawyers, professionals, New Yorkers, and anyone who speaks with a vocabulary above an 8th grade level. Richard Hofstadter's landmark "Anti-Intellectualism in American Life" is as true today as it was a half century ago. Real men don't think too much.
With the foundations laid and the subthemes set out, now the personal attack can really begin. Notice, though, how essential those foundations are. Miller has established his credentials as a real American, and has set the terms of the debate as being between patriotism and partisanship, a view of America as right and a cosmopolitan critique of America as being wrong. At this point, facts get left behind completely; Kerry has never said he'd use force only if approved by the UN. That is simply a lie. However, in the context of the critique, it makes sense, and so it doesn't seem like a lie. And how would Kerry defend himself here? He'd have to articulate a middle position - which is the same as wobbling.
No - Kerry blamed the politicians who sent soldiers over to die while themselves smoking cigars in safe Washington brownstones. Much like Bush (draft dodger), Cheney (draft dodger) and Rumsfeld (draft dodger). But again, which is likely to be more persuasive - a complicated set of facts, or a simple narrative?
The attack portion of the speech is now concluded. It works not because it is accurate (it isn't) and not because it is relevant (it isn't) but because it is tied to a coherent worldview of real men and fakes, and because it speaks to the deep fears Americans hold - both of the foundations set up in the very first paragraph. With brilliantly brief but effective references to happy moments (finding Saddam in a spider hole) and hot-button issues (Israel, a few paragraphs above), Miller almost subliminally invokes sacred cow after sacred cow, without dwelling on any. Even in the foregoing paragraphs, which unlike most of the speech occasionally lapse into standard campaign jargon ("ready for tomorrow's challenges"), Miller is really continuing the same conversation, over and over and over. He's completely on message, and has completely disguised a series of outrageous propositions, and inaccuracies, in "plain talk." Our guy's for real, theirs is a fake, and you'll die if you vote for Kerry.
"Where I come from" is, to my mind, the lynchpin of the entire speech. Miller, with his accent and his roots, evokes a 'real America' that is the essential facade of the Republican artifice. In policy terms, the Republican party has done more to destroy the real America - the place of family farms, family-owned businesses, and close-knit communities - than any other single organization in American history. By favoring multinational corporations, supporting the outsourcing of jobs, and starving local governments of the money they need, the Right has led to the Wal-Mart-ization of America, and the destruction of the American middle class. Yet it is the Democrats who are cast as opponents of the Real America.
How is this done? Through speeches like this one. Slick talker vs. straight shooter, 'where I come from' versus New York and Massachusetts. To reiterate, this is the same nativist line that has been used against immigrants, Jews, Catholics, Italians, Mexicans, African-Americans, communists, labor organizers, and liberals of every stripe for over one hundred years.
The consolation, incidentally, is that, for the Left, our side almost always wins, even though their side wields the power. The Sixties won; women are not going back in the kitchen, and gays are not going back into the closet. Nixon won in 1968 and 1972, but the soul of the country moved leftward, and continues to do so, driven by cultural and economic forces that are more powerful than politics. Personally, I believe that Bush is indeed a "God-fearing man with a good heart." He's just an intellectual child. He can't see that squashing enemies like bugs simply makes more enemies. He can't see that insider politics which reward the richest really do hurt people, in violation of God's repeated commandments to clothe the naked and help the poor. And he can't see that his particular brand of religious values is not the only bulwark against moral anarchy. He is God-fearing, and I think he does probably have a "good" heart, as goodness is defined in his particular moral system. But his administration has wrought great, great evil at home and abroad: killing thousands, destroying God's natural environment, causing the weakest to suffer more. In the Jewish moral discourse, a good heart is only a part of the picture. One also needs a well-developed moral sensibility, and that takes an intellect as well. That is a value that Miller does not share; his rhetoric of manliness and 'men of action' (one is put to mind of Dostoyevsky on this point, whom presumably Miller has not read) subverts the Jewish moral impulse to question, analyze, and reconsider. Those are traits that men of action do not possess, and that Bush clearly lacks. |
![]() ![]() ![]() Empowering Jewish Progressives Leah Koenig Deconstructing Zell Miller (and Reconstructing Kerry) Jay Michaelson A Demonstration in Words Hila Ratzabi Where Left and Right Collide a debate moderated by Dan Friedman Art at War Bara Sapir Jews and Bush An Online Resource Guide Belly of the Beast Cullen Goldblatt Archive Our 550 Back Pages Zeek in Print Spring/Summer 2004 issue now on sale! About Zeek Mailing List Contact Us Subscribe Tech Support Links
From previous issues:
The Virtue of Mediocrity
Anything You Want to Be
The Spiritual Foundations of Bushism
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